October 13, 2001
Why Fear National ID Cards?
By ALAN M. DERSHOWITZ
CAMBRIDGE, Mass.
At many bridges and tunnels across the country, drivers avoid long delays
at the toll
booths with an unobtrusive device that fits on a car's dashboard. Instead
of fumbling for
change, they drive right through; the device sends a radio signal that
records their
passage. They are billed later. It's a tradeoff between privacy and
convenience: the
toll-takers know more about you — when you entered and left Manhattan,
for instance —
but you save time and money.
An optional national identity card could be used in a similar way, offering
a similar kind of
tradeoff: a little less anonymity for a lot more security. Anyone who
had the card could
be allowed to pass through airports or building security more expeditiously,
and anyone
who opted out could be examined much more closely.
As a civil libertarian, I am instinctively skeptical of such tradeoffs.
But I support a
national identity card with a chip that can match the holder's fingerprint.
It could be an
effective tool for preventing terrorism, reducing the need for other
law-enforcement
mechanisms — especially racial and ethnic profiling — that pose even
greater dangers to
civil liberties.
I can hear the objections: What about the specter of Big Brother? What
about fears of
identity cards leading to more intrusive measures? (The National Rifle
Association, for
example, worries that a government that registered people might also
decide to register
guns.) What about fears that such cards would lead to increased deportation
of illegal
immigrants?
First, we already require photo ID's for many activities, including
flying, driving, drinking
and check-cashing. And fingerprints differ from photographs only in
that they are harder
to fake. The vast majority of Americans routinely carry photo ID's
in their wallets and
pocketbooks. These ID's are issued by state motor vehicle bureaus and
other public and
private entities. A national card would be uniform and difficult to
forge or alter. It would
reduce the likelihood that someone could, intentionally or not, get
lost in the cracks of
multiple bureaucracies.
The fear of an intrusive government can be addressed by setting criteria
for any official
who demands to see the card. Even without a national card, people are
always being
asked to show identification. The existence of a national card need
not change the rules
about when ID can properly be demanded. It is true that the card would
facilitate the
deportation of illegal immigrants. But President Bush has proposed
giving legal status to
many of the illegal immigrants now in this country. And legal immigrants
would actually
benefit from a national ID card that could demonstrate their status
to government
officials.
Finally, there is the question of the right to anonymity. I don't believe
we can afford to
recognize such a right in this age of terrorism. No such right is hinted
at in the
Constitution. And though the Supreme Court has identified a right to
privacy, privacy and
anonymity are not the same. American taxpayers, voters and drivers
long ago gave up
any right of anonymity without loss of our right to engage in lawful
conduct within zones
of privacy. Rights are a function of experience, and our recent experiences
teach that it
is far too easy to be anonymous — even to create a false identity —
in this large and
decentralized country. A national ID card would not prevent all threats
of terrorism, but it
would make it more difficult for potential terrorists to hide in open
view, as many of the
Sept. 11 hijackers apparently managed to do.
A national ID card could actually enhance civil liberties by reducing
the need for racial
and ethnic stereotyping. There would be no excuse for hassling someone
merely because
he belongs to a particular racial or ethnic group if he presented a
card that matched his
print and that permitted his name to be checked instantly against the
kind of
computerized criminal-history retrieval systems that are already in
use. (If there is too
much personal information in the system, or if the information is being
used improperly,
that is a separate issue. The only information the card need contain
is name, address,
photo and print.)
From a civil liberties perspective, I prefer a system that takes a little
bit of freedom from
all to one that takes a great deal of freedom and dignity from the
few — especially since
those few are usually from a racially or ethnically disfavored group.
A national ID card
would be much more effective in preventing terrorism than profiling
millions of men
simply because of their appearance.
Alan M. Dershowitz, a law professor at Harvard, is author, most recently,
of "Letters to
a Young Lawyer."
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