Volume LVI, No 6
February, 2003
Africa: A Lost Continent Or Hope for the Future?
Peter Henriot, S.J.
IN THIS ISSUE
Peter J. Henriot, S.J., explores the implications of the statement "the future of the globe depends on the future of Africa." Based on his many years of ministry there, he stresses many signs of hope for Africa's future, as well as some profound challenges that must be faced, and suggests some responses to foster global solidarity.
It is a privilege and a pleasure for me to present the Sixth Annual Rev. Joseph Maguire, S.J., Lecture here this evening. It is a privilege because I am honoured to be invited back to Seattle University, where I first taught Political Science as a young Jesuit in 1967, 35 years ago. I returned to this campus several times since, for SUMORE programmes and for other events. I know this school in recent years particularly as a place where education for justice is central. This fact is witnessed to in last week's events with Cory Aquino, with the visits of Archbishop Tutu, Nelson Mandela and Gracia Michel, and in many other efforts to focus the university's resources on the challenges of globalising justice. It is clear in the many student service programmes in this country and overseas _ such as the internship of three S.U. students who worked earlier this year in Zambia.
My presence here is also a pleasure for me, since it gives me a chance to talk during my tenure in the LeRoux Chair about things that I value very highly, where my head, my heart and my hands are now: Africa, especially Zambia, the Jesuit mission for faith and justice, the church's social teaching.
And it is a special privilege and pleasure to be associated with the Maguire Lecture, since as a young Jesuit I knew Joe as an outstanding model of a Jesuit priest in service of the people. He touched me personally many times, such as the evening before my ordination in 1970 with the Sacrament of Reconciliation and at my mother's funeral at St. Patrick's in Tacoma in 1985, when he sang the Ave Maria.
I. Why choose this topic of "Africa: Lost Continent or Hope for the Future?"
Let me begin my reflections this evening with my drive to the Lusaka Airport two weeks ago. I was leaving an extremely busy office in Zambia, focusing on poverty issues, political scandals, economic structural problems, church responses, etc. When I told my friend who was driving me to the airport about the opportunities I would have here at Seattle University, he said simply: "Tell them that the future of the globe depends on the future of Africa!" Wow! _ "the future of the globe depends on the future of Africa" _ what does that mean? I have continued to probe the meaning of that statement, and I want now to invite you to probe it with me here tonight.
Is there a connection between what happens in our globe _ in the United States, in my earlier home town of Tacoma, here in Seattle _ and what happens on the African continent, in Zambia, in my current home town of Lusaka?
How would Africans, Zambians in particular, feel about that statement?
To begin with, it is important to emphasise that Zambia is a nation of great potential, promise, possibilities. I easily can list ten very positive aspects that I know well from personal experience: (and I wonder whether you know from US media!):
• Peace _ a country without the conflict of neighbours like Angola, Congo, Zimbabwe
• Hospitality _ people who are friendly, who currently host almost 300,000 refugees
• Resources _ rich assets of minerals, agriculture, water, etc.
• Hard work _ dedication to feeding family and to building a strong nation
• Talent _ a people who with education can match anyone else _ I know this from the wonderful staff of young Zambians on my team in Lusaka
• Democracy _ struggling, faltering, but persevering, with recent elections that were flawed but still are moving the nation forward
• Women _ increasingly socially active (two presidential candidates in the recent elections) and the backbone of domestic and agricultural efforts
• Civil society _ coalitions of NGOs, trade unions, professional associations, church groups, etc., that are articulate and intelligent in shaping development futures
• Church _ plenty of ecumenical cooperation, service of the needy and prophetic voice in political matters
• Youth _ 50% of the population of ten million are below the age of 15!
But Zambia is also a nation of serious problems: 80% of the population live below the poverty line, life expectancy is now 37 years (with malaria, malnutrition and AIDS the biggest killers _ all consequences of poverty), drought is causing famine, and political ups and downs make for unsure responses.
So what is the future for Zambia, lost or hopeful, in a rapidly globalising world that tends to exclude Africa?
And how would Americans feel about that statement, you, for instance?
The United States is a nation of immense and lavish prosperity (I am experiencing again cultural shock after being out of the country for three years!), but with economic uncertainties, cultural disarray, serious poverty _ even close to the S.U. campus. You are a nation at war, as I have noted through the military presence in airports, the flags on houses and cars, the defense budget orientations of the current Administration. Africa is very, very far away, with more immediate international concerns in Seattle _ for understandable reasons _ about Latin America and Asia. Indeed, how much do you really know about Africa, with so little media coverage of any serious character? This morning's Post Intelligencer carried stories of a Nigerian plane disaster and election fraud in Mali; last week's evening TV news showed a South African beauty contest!
So how is your future tied to the status of Africa, lost or hopeful?
"The future of the globe depends on the future of Africa" _ how can we make sense out of this statement? I believe we can, but only at the most profound ethical, moral, religious _ indeed faith _ level, with a clear and cogent political and economic analysis as our framework. This is why I want to put our discussion here this evening in the context of "solidarity" _ a concept that is at once both religious and political.
II. What does "solidarity mean" and how can it shape a future, both for Lusaka and for Seattle _ that is more hopeful?
One of my favourite African proverbs, found in a variety of places on the continent, is: "I am because we are, and we are because I am." My dignity and worth is possible and enhanced because I am part of a larger group; that larger group's potential and viability is dependent upon my effective contribution. In Africa, this has tremendous practical meaning for the life-giving relationships of the extended family, for the strength of village community ties, for the dynamics of nation building (e.g., in Zambia's national motto, "One Zambia, One Nation").
But what significance does this proverb have in the face of today's structures and strategies of "globalisation"? I believe it offers insight into the deepest meaning of "solidarity."
Solidarity is a vision rich in the church's social teaching. It is more than geographic proximity or economic interdependence. It is an ethical acknowledgement of unity, of community, of humankind, of a togetherness that assures that the quality of my life as a full human being depends on the quality of others' lives. Moreover, it has a theological foundation that, according to John Paul II in his 1987 letter, The Social Concern of the Church, is based on the life of the Trinity: mutuality, complementarity, dynamic inter-relationships, bonds of love. We humans, made in the image and likeness of God (Genesis 1:27), the Triune God, mirror forth this life in our attitudes and actions of solidarity.
This solidarity manifests itself in a set of values such as:
• Empathy, not sympathy, with related daughters and sons of God
• Immediate acceptance into family _ something so very African
• Committed action for union, to right the wrong, to restore the fracture _ e.g., the basis of the Jubilee movement to restore the broken Covenantal community by freeing slaves, redistributing land, canceling debt (Leviticus 25, Deuteronomy 15)
• The promotion of the common good _ a situation wherein everyone benefits to the full
An interesting instance of these values can be found in the economic theory developed by 1994 Nobel Laureate John Norbert Nash (recently famous for the Academy Award film biography, A Beautiful Mind). Contrary to Adam Smith's thesis that the focused pursuit of individual interests would benefit everyone — Nash proposes that full enjoyment of personal interests is only possible if common interests are also pursued.
III. But the vision/values/vocation of global solidarity confronts three profound challenges today in relating to Africa.
First, the economic structures of "globalisation" _ trade, investment, aid, debt, etc. _ are not working for the benefit of the African continent. Africa is "out of the loop" in the discussions and decisions that have the strongest influence. Why do I say that? True, the G-8 will put Africa high on the agenda of its Canadian gathering in late June. True, Tony Blair publicises some African issues in his travels. True, George Bush recently speaks of paying more attention to the continent, e.g., during his appearance at the United Nations Financing for Development conference held in Monterrey, Mexico, in March.
But my own position is based on another proverb: "Where I stand on an issue depends on where I sit." Indeed, it depends on with whom I sit! And from my position in Africa, I see that elements and dynamics in the current trend of globalisation move us more toward a lost continent than a hope for the future. For example:
• Economic neo-liberalism as the guiding ideology of globalisation _ free market, privatisation, liberalisation, retreat of the state, etc. This is a dominant model that puts capital before people, profits before integral, sustainable development (we currently have a striking example of that in Zambia with the pullout of Anglo-American Corporation from the mine it had recently purchased).
• External debt issue, where negotiations for relief (e.g., the HIPC initiative) proceed more on the basis of creditors' economic interests than debtors' social needs.
• WTO regulations that are having increasing influence on every aspect of life, for example, through TRIPS (dealing with intellectual property rights like seed patents) and GATS (general agreement on trade and services that touches issues like labour negotiations)
• Environmental consequences of decisions such as the Bush Administration's pull out from the Kyoto agreements on control of toxic emissions that damage the ozone layer.
Second, the political policies that guide major international decisions do not take African issues as central. This is particularly true in the post-11 September political presuppositions and priorities. Africa has long been a pawn in global politics. The partition of Africa in the 1885 Berlin Conference divided up the continent according to the interests of the colonial powers of England, Germany, France, Belgium and Portugal. Cold War politics dealt with issues in the Horn of Africa and in southern Africa according to the power advantages of the Soviet Union and the West. The arms trade that fuels so tragically the conflicts of Africa is promoted by the economic interests of the great powers of the North.
Today, there is a great danger that in the "War on Terrorism" African issues will not be evaluated according to benefits to African people but according to how these issues fit into geo-political frameworks like the "axis of evil nations." Simply watch in the months ahead the support of the United States for President Daniel Arap Moi in Kenya, or for the oppressive Khartoum regime in the Sudan. This support is motivated by the need of the United States to have military allies for its future plans against perceived terrorist threats on the continent. Similar Western interests influence military support for what is really a "world war" in Africa, the tragic conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo. And note how easy it is for the United States Congress to approve a military budget of U$ 353 billion but how difficult it is to get a few hundred million dollars for the United Nations Global Aids Fund that would substantially benefit Africa.
Third, there are psychological attitudes, public perceptions, that dismiss the importance of Africa. These are strongly shaped by the media overage, or lack thereof, offered to Africa. The continent has long been seen as the "Dark Continent" by outsiders. I am always amazed by the ignorance, indeed the indifference, of most people in the United States about Africa. I feel that you will agree with me when I say that the national media does not report in depth or in a positive way about African events.
For example, you here tonight may know more about the Rwandan genocide than about the new Catholic University opening in Ghana (whose founding president, by the way, is Michael Schultheis, a Jesuit from the Northwest). There is more focus on the chaos of recent elections in Mozambique than on the very positive and creative activities of civil society, including the church, in the recent elections in Zambia. You may have heard of the HIV/AIDS disasters, but have you heard of the successful efforts to improve the education of the girl child, a necessary step in combating HIV/AIDS? And while you surely have read or seen critiques of the chaos caused by President Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe, are you also aware of the critiques based on serious historical analysis of British rule of their former colony that laid the seeds of the current chaos?
IV. How can we respond to these challenges to solidarity and their consequences for Africa?
I must admit to you that I am by nature an optimist, and therefore I believe that we can indeed meet some of these challenges. I believe we can truly develop a "solidarity of hope" that is so important for all of us, whether we live in Seattle or in Lusaka.
First, we must honestly recognise the challenges. We must be non-defensive in facing the critiques of policies and priorities that adversely affect Africa today. These critiques, I believe, are not "anti-American" but "pro world" _ and I pray that there is no dichotomy between being committed to what is best for this country and what is best for the globe! For example:
• Seattle became famous _ infamous? _ because of the WTO riots of a few years ago. I have no defense of violence or mindless activities, whether on the streets or in board rooms! That is why I urge that serious attention should be given to the sharp analytical critiques of the WTO procedures and policies and their impact on countries in Africa.
• The Jubilee campaign for the cancellation of debt raises serious questions about international financial arrangements. In Zambia we push for debts to be cancelled only if the freed-up resources are transparently devoted to poverty eradication. But we also push for reparations as we ask _ after analysis of the consequences of slavery, colonialism, neo-colonialism, ecological actions, etc. _ "Who owes whom?
• Attention must be paid to the political analysis of the current US government's position on international agreements such as the anti-landmines treaty, the Kyoto accords to protect the environment, the International Court of Justice, the anti-ballistic missile treaty, the conclusions of the United Nations anti-racism conference in Durban, etc. The consistently negative position makes one question the government's understanding of and commitment to global solidarity.
Second, we should join in responsible political action. I almost hesitate to suggest this response, for fear of hearing: "Not another call for letter writing!" Yes, indeed, it is another call, because concerted political pressure is more necessary than ever before. Last week I was in Washington DC, for two meetings. I visited some high-level officials at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to discuss Zambia's debt situation. And subsequently I participated in the meeting of the executive committee of the International Jesuit Network for Development (IJND) where we planned cooperation on global issues of justice. On both occasions, it was clear to me how much effort should be placed on pressuring both international and national leaders to meet the demands of global justice through equitable and effective policies.
So I encourage you to participate in campaigns coordinated by groups such as Bread for the World, Center of Concern, Jubilee-USA and Catholic Relief Services. Let your elected officials _ from President on through local representatives _ know of your cry for solidarity. (Editor's note: Bread for the World's current offering of letters deals with the theme "Rise to the Challenge, End World Hunger." Details can be found at their website www.bread.org. And further information about Catholic Relief Service's Africa Campaign, "Africa Rising, Hope and Healing" can be found at their website: http://www.catholicrelief.org/get_involved/advocacy/africa_campaign/index.cfm)
Third, we need a strong commitment to literacy. I don't speak now of improving literacy levels of Africans, but of raising literacy and awareness and intelligence among Americans! What do you really know about Africa? Where do you get that information? How do you evaluate it? What effect does it have on the response of your head, your heart, your hands? I urge you to read and watch more critically the news about Africa and question the lack of that news. How many of you have ever contacted a newspaper of television station to ask about their coverage of African issues?
I want to say how much I appreciate the literacy efforts of Seattle University _ sending students overseas to broaden their global horizons, offering courses and service opportunities to increase the awareness of both students and faculty, sponsoring events such as the visits of President Aquino and President Mandela.
And I want to offer a good way to gain more literacy about Zambia — go to the web site of our Jesuit Centre for Theological Reflection: <www.jctr.org.zm> and let us know what your reactions and questions are!
V. Conclusion
Let me close by repeating the thesis that challenges me, indeed, that haunts me: "The future of the globe depends on the future of Africa." I have linked that to the African proverb that for me expresses beautifully and powerfully the meaning of solidarity: "I am because we are; we are because I am."
Because the locus of my activities and the focus of my heart are currently Zambia, I've shared with you both its potentials and its problems. In many ways, Zambia is really a "case study" of what is happening on the continent of Africa. So I invite you to ponder Zambia's problems, but only in the context of its potentials. And ask yourself how you can contribute to an overcoming of its problems and a realisation of its potentials through an effective commitment to solidarity.
For me _ and, I pray, for you also _ such a commitment to solidarity is the only way we can move beyond viewing Africa as a lost continent to experiencing Africa as a hope for the future.
(Editor's Note: For further reflections on this topic, you might want to consult the US. Bishops' 2001 letter, A Call to Solidarity with Africa, at <http://www.nccbuscc.org/sdwp/africa.htm> .)
About the Author
Peter J. Henriot, S.J., Jesuit Centre for Theological Reflection, P.O. Box 37774 10101 Lusaka, Zambia, Tel: 260-1-290410, Fax:260-1-290759, E-mail: phenriot@zamnet.zm , Web:www.jctr.org.zm
Peter Henriot, S.J., directs the Jesuit Centre for Theological Reflection, Lusaka, Zambia, cooperates with the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace of the Zambian Bishops Conference, and is in charge of a local language mission station outside of Lusaka. Originally from the United States of America, he has lived in Zambia for the past twelve years. Before that, he served for many years at the Center of Concern in Washington, D.C. A political scientist, he also teaches courses in the "Social Teaching of the Church" at the diocesan major seminary in Lusaka. This address was given at: "Sixth Annual Rev. Joseph Maguire, S.J., Lecture" Seattle University Seattle, Washington, USA, 06 May 2002.
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